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King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology. The Internet in KSA is in the middle of a major restructuring. In order to understand what these changes could mean for the growth of Internet usage in Saudi Arabia, lets first give a quick look to the old structure. ISU acted as a Saudi Internet exchange point and worked in raising the public awareness with the Internet.
It also formulated the rules and regulations that govern the use of the Internet in the country and took care of the Saudi domain name system. All the modems were owned buy STC and could be accessed by dialing a special number that start with xxxx. Each ISP has his own xxxx which works from any place in the country without the need to use any area code. In KSA the Internet is filtered. In addition to that from forwards all licensed data service providers DSPs are providing the commercial gateways to the Internet.
The competition between the three DSPs enables more affordable Internet access to the users. To date, all attempts to overturn court rulings have been lost. There have also been online campaigns calling for the closing of some of the few cultural venues in Saudi Arabia, where young people meet to discuss and talk openly about a variety of topics.
There have also been a notable number of social events cancelled, mainly those promoting public intellectual debate. Some of these show the influence the kingdom has on its neighbours. For example, Multaqa Al-Nahda is a forum held annually for young people to meet with different intellectuals in the Arab world.
This was supposed to be held in Kuwait recently and was reportedly cancelled by a royal decree issued by the Prince of Kuwait, allegedly due to pressure from the Saudi government, backed by the far right religious establishment.
Another event cancelled was the Choose Your Career Conference CYCC — a conference that was to be held in the Western region city of Jeddah, with the intention of young people meeting professionals from different sectors to get an idea of the different career paths they could follow. However, it was cancelled one day prior to the date it was supposed to be held, with no official reasons given as to why.
Again, these are all signs of non-proportionate content censorship, and a lack of transparency in the system. The internet has had a significant impact on human rights when it comes to the new role of citizen and online journalism. However this has not discouraged the continuation of the over-regulated system that exists when it comes to old media.
As mentioned, in September , the Ministry of Information proposed a new law that would require online newspapers, blogs, and forums to obtain licences from the government in order to operate. The final condition is so general and ambiguous that it could be used to prevent anyone from practising journalism.
In , the Ministry of Information also imposed a new law making it illegal to be an internet journalist without a governmental journalism licence. The new law also suggests that editors-in-chief of online newspapers must be approved by the Ministry of Culture and Information.
Without transparency or accountability mechanisms included, this law could be used to stop anyone from practising journalism. All of the countries on the list met at least ten benchmarks. Under Saudi Sharia law, insulting the Islamic prophet Mohammad is considered blasphemous and is punishable by death. The criminalisation of apostasy is incompatible with the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion as set out in Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
He wrote three tweets on Twitter about the occasion in a very sarcastic manner in response to a series of articles by the Saudi Grand Mufti the highest religious authority in the land. In his tweets he depicted the Prophet as a human, and not in the sacred state that most Muslims observe him in. Different groups with tens of thousands of followers formed on Facebook, calling for his execution.
Others suggested that his upbringing was at fault, and the number of hate crimes towards him and his immediate family grew fast. This clip received over 1. After seeing this reaction on the social media platforms, within hours Hamza removed the tweets and issued a lengthy apology, but to no avail. Hours after that he removed his account from Twitter and fled for his life to Malaysia late at night on 6 February.
Hamza arrived in Kuala Lumpur on 7 February, and was arrested two days later as he was trying to continue his journey to New Zealand. Under the request of the Saudi Arabian authorities, some claim an Interpol arrest warrant had been issued, and the Malaysian authorities deported him back to his home country however Interpol has denied its involvement. To date, he is still detained in a Saudi Arabian jail. According to Amnesty International, court proceedings in Saudi Arabia fall far short of international standards for fair trial.
This was not the case with Hamza. His mother is allowed to visit him and, under the circumstances, Hamza is doing well. It is impossible at this time to predict how long they will keep him there. There are measures that could be put in place to protect Hamza — however that would put the Saudi government in a difficult political situation with the public who have been calling for the death penalty. To highlight the conservative reaction of the general public, the BBC reported that many Saudis phoned their broadcast service to complain that reporting on the Hamza case showed that the Saudi media were controlled by a liberal elite, given that they did not call for the death penalty to be imposed on Hamza.
Al-Arifi is a young populist who appeals to a young audience. He is the most popular Saudi on any social media site by far. Any criticism of Al-Arifi usually results in personal attacks by his followers. This ranges from verbal written abuse, to the illegal hacking of personal emails and Twitter accounts — including those of Hamza supporters.
It is illegal to form a civil society group without prior permission from the Saudi Arabian authorities. In general the government takes little notice of civil society activities, as long as they do not cross what it deems as political or religious boundaries.
As a result, the official and unofficial civil society organisations that do exist participate in various cultural, social, professional and some religious activities only. The need for permission to form a civil society group means that there is no legislative framework governing unofficial civil society organisations in Saudi Arabia. Because of this, they cannot register or ask international organisations for cooperation or funding. Moreover, the Saudi authorities, via different bodies, also interfere in the management of civil society groups, including in their governance and financial management, limiting their role and impact where necessary.
Licences granted by the Saudi authorities to civil society groups are issued only in very limited cases and under extreme exceptions, and are usually permitted by special royal decrees issued by the Saudi King himself. Furthermore, there is no official public intent to relax or increase the number of permits to new civil society associations, or expanding their activities. Currently, the law is still the biggest obstacle in the way of increasing the number of organisations and the scope of their activities.
There are two main human rights institutions officially working in Saudi Arabia. These two institutions work on observing, documenting and responding to human rights violations by reporting them to the authorities. They also hold general human rights educational programmes and publish reports and studies. The second, the National Society for Human Rights, was granted special permission under a royal decree.
It has a broader scope than the HRC, and organises workshops, public lectures and conferences on human rights issues. Another organisation founded in the Eastern Province is the Society for Development and Change that campaigns for equal human rights for the Shia minority in the Eastern Province the organisation calls for a constitution and elected legislature in that province. Despite their size, the role played by these civil society groups using social media networks has had an important effect on human rights awareness in Saudi society.
Other human rights defenders have similar figures on Twitter, making Twitter a real battlefield between campaigns aimed at raising the awareness of rights, democracy and violations, and the conservative masses fuelled by the religious right. The socio-economic empowerment of women has emerged in the last few years as a priority in the kingdom. However, there is still a lot to be done before gender equality is achieved. Officially, no law bars women from driving, but senior government clerics have ruled against the practice, a ruling generally supported by the public.
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